النّهضة و التّحول الثّوري للإخوان دوليّا

رغم التّقاطع الأيديولوجيّ الجذريّ و التّماهي التّنظيميّ للإخوان المسلمين عالميّا، لا يمكننا وضعهم كتيّار في سلّة واحدة[1]. يصرّ الإخوان المسلمين، الآن على الأقلّ، على أنّ المنظّمات القطريّة كإخوان الأردن و الإمارات و سوريا تتمتّع باستقلال تامّ في إتّخاذ القرار. كما أنّ الإختلافات الموضوعيّة بين الظّروف في هذه الأقطار تفرض على إخوان كلّ قطر إنتهاج تكتيكات واستراتيجيّات مختلفة لا محالة. فإخوان سوريا، كبقيّة المعارضين السّوريّين، يتعاملون مع حرب ثوريّة  معلنة و شاملة. بينما يتعاطى الإخوان الأردنيّون مع ثورة أو حراك ذي طابع سلميّ يغلب عليه سقف مطالب سياسيّة لا تطالب بقلب النّظام رأسا. أمّا الفصيل الأمّ، أي الإخوان المسلمين في مصر، فيواجه وضعا فريدا حيث لا تزال ديناميكيّة الثّورة متأجّجة بينما يسيطر الإخوان على مقاليد السّلطة التّنفيذيّة و التّشريعيّة عموما.

رغم هذه الإختلافات الجذريّة إلّا أنّ تحوّلا إستراتيجيّا عميقا يجمع التّيارات المذكورة قاطبة. فلقد مرّ الإخوان في مصر من مرحلة القبول المتفاجئ للثّورة في بداياتها إلى رأس حربة الثّورة. فممثّل حزب الحريّة و العدالة المنبثق عن الجماعة، الدّكتور محمّد مرسي، خاض الإنتخابات الرّئاسيّة، و خصوصا جولة الإعادة منها، كمرشّح الثّورة و حامل لوائها أمام خطر الرّدة المفجع ممثّلا في منافسه أحمد شفيق. أمّا في الأردن فقط صار الإخوان الفصيل النّشيط و الأكبر في إطار الحراك الشّعبيّ. و رغم تمسّكهم، إلى حدّ الآن بعدم رفع سقف التّظاهر غلى شعار إسقاط النّظام إلّا أنّهم يقفون على طرفي النّقيض من السّلطة و قوى الفساد في الأردن[2]. أمّا سوريا، و التّي ندعو اللّه أن يخفّف على ثوّارها المدنيّين و يقرّب من نصر الكتائب الثّوريّة المقاتلة على قوّات و شبّيحة نظام البعث الإشتراكي، فقد شهدت إنخراط الإخوان في الثّورة منذ بداياتها. و رغم صعوبة التحقّق من وجود هياكل تنظيميّة إخوانيّة مقاتلة، و هو ما ينفونه[3]، إلّا أنّ هياكل التّنظيم و من منافيها تصدّرت الجهود الرّامية لتوفير الحاضنة السّياسيّة للثّورة.

فلا شكّ إذا أنّ الإخوان إختاروا التحوّل من مقعدهم التّقليديّ المعارض  للحكم إلى تصدّر المشهد الثّوريّ بل و قيادته كما الحال في مصر خصوصا و الأردن إلى حدّ ما. فالثّورة العربيّة فرضت على كلّ القوى البحث عن تموقع جديد على الساحة السّياسيّة. و رغم تذبذب آداء الإخوان بادئ الأمر و جنوحهم نحو موقفهم التّقليديّ في البحث عن التّوافقات إلّا أنّ تموقعهم أخذ يتجلّى أكثر كلّما إمتدّت الثورة زمنيّا. و كان الخيار الواضح هو الوقوف بجانب الثّورة و تبنّي تكتيكات ثوريّة قاطعة مع الدّكتاتوريّة.

فماذا عن الحالة الإخوانيّة في مهد الثّورة-تونس- متمثّلة في حزب حركة النّهضة؟

تختلف الوضعيّة تماما بالنّسبة لحركة النّهضة و ذلك لإعتبارات عديدة. فالنّظام التّونسيّ الدّكتاتوريّ، بقيادة بو 

 رقيبة و خلفه بن علي،مارس سياسة "تجفيف منابع الإسلام" و القمع الشّديد المترافق مع أجندة حظاريّة تغريبيّة قاسية لم يشهد لها العالم العربيّ مثيلا (فحتّى في سوريا، القمع كان مركّزا على التّنظيم السّياسيّ الإسلاميّ لا على الحظارة الإسلاميّة في مجملها. و قد أدّت هذه الحملة،في جملة ما تمخّضت عنه، إلى إجتثاث تامّ لحركة النّهضة تنظيميّا وتحلّل وجودها إلى حدّ الإختفاء من السّاحة العامّة سوى بضع أفراد لم يكبّلهم السّجن أو التّجويع أو الخوف أو كلّها مجتمعة فبقوا ناشطين. متسلّلين خصوصا من خلال النّقابات و المنظّمات الحقوقيّة و حتّى الأحزاب الأخرى كالدّيمقراطي التقدّمي الذّي قوى عوده بفضل الهجرة القسريّة للإسلاميّين إليه. و بهذا تختلف الحركة الإخوانيّة التّونسيّة عن نظرائها سواءا في الدّاخل (مكّن النّظام السّابق رغم المضايقات، اليسار التّونسيّ عموما من الحفاظ على وجوده النّخبويّ و تغلغله الإداريّ و دور ثقافيّ لم يكن يزعج النّظام) أو بالخارج في طباق مع إخوان مصر و الأردن اللذّين حافظوا على تماسك تنظيماتهم و وجودها.

تظافر عنصر الإضمحلال السّابق الذّكر، مع عنصر السّبق و المفاجأة التّامّة خلال الثّورة التّونسيّة. فلم يكن لحركة النّهضة وجود أو مساهمة تنظيميّة رغم دعم قياداتها المهجّرة للإحتجاجات و مشاركة عناصرها و طيف من الإسلاميّين عموما في مجريات الثّورة. و لملمت الحركة على عجل ما تيسّر من أبنائها و راهنت على النّهج التّأسيسيّ. و كان لها، و ربّما عليها، أن شاءت الجماهير التّونسيّة أن تقود النّهضة مسار التّأسيس. كما يضاف إلى ذلك طبيعة الوضع الثّوريّ التّونسيّ[4] و ضعف حدّته و قصر مدّته مقارنة بالثّورات الأخرى.

و خلال ذلك كلّه و إلى الآن يتجلّى الإختلاف الكبير بين النّهضة و بقيّة الإخوان. لم تتمكّن الحركة أن تتجاوز شعارات الثّورة التّى تزدان بها برامجها إلى جهة تبنّيها منهاج عمل و إستراتيجيّة لحركة ثوريّة. فالحكومة الإئتلافيّة بقيادة النّهضة كانت و لا تزال تجنح إلى إتّباع السّبل التوافقيّة و العاديّة في تتبّعها لفلول لنّظام  السّابق. كما كانت تحويراتها، خصوصا الأمنيّة منها[5]، تكتسي طابعا ترقيعيّا إصلاحيّا لا قاطعا و ثوريّا. كما أنّ جماهير الحركة لا تزال غير مفعّلة و معبّأة لتحقيق أيّ مطلب ثوريّ يستلزم دعما شعبيّا. و بهذا المقياس، شأنها شأن جلّ الطّبقة السّياسيّة التونسيّة[6]، تبقى حركة النّهضة بجلباب الحركة الإصلاحيّة و لم تتجاوز تلك المرحلة إلى تبنيّ الإستراتيجيّات الثّوريّة كما بقيّة الإخوان.

و يتمظهر التّخلّف الإخوانيّ التّونسيّ عن ركب التحوّلات الثّوريّة الدّاخليّة لبقيّة الإخوان في تمظهرات عدّة، أحصي منها: ضعف الزّخم الثّوريّ الشّعبيّ و انحصاره مؤخّرا،او بالأحرى على الأقلّ و أخيرا، في رابطات حماية الثّورة التّي لا يتوافق حولها الطّيف السّياسيّ. واتّباع المسار القضائي و القانوني العاديّ لمحاسبة بقايا نظام بن علي على خلاف القرارات الثّوريّة لمرسي من قبيل قانون حماية الثّورة[7] الذّي أصدرته رآسة مصر. كما تظلّ تداعيات خسارة معركتي الإعلام و القضاء، النّاتجمتين أساسا عن تخوّف زائد من جيوب الردّة المتمترسة بهما، تكبّل مسار الإنتقال الثّوريّ و العدالة.

لا شكّ أنّ الأيّام المقبلة من عمر الثّورة التّونسيّة ستكون حبلى بالأحداث المتسارعة. و ازدياد المخاطر و التّهديد الرّجعيّ من قوى الردّة يفرض على حركة النّهضة مراجعة نهجها الحركيّ[8] و الإقتداء بالجديّة و الحسم الذّي تطوّر لدى أسلافها من حركات إخوانيّة خصوصا الإخوان المسلمون بمصر. 

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[1] اللائحتان العامة والعالمية لجماعة الإخوان المسلمين

[2] مثال على إنخراط لإخوان الأردن بالحراك: تصريح صحفي صادر عن المكتب الاعلامي حول فعاليّات إنقاذ الوطن

[3] نفي المراقب العام لإخوان سوريا،ياض الشّقفة، وجود كتائب إخوانيّة صرفة

[4] تعثّر المسار الثّوري التّونسي، لماذا؟

[5] حول قطاع الأمن بعد الثّورة بعنوان: حتّى لا تقتلنا الردّة

[6] طبقتنا السّياسيّة: فائتة الصّلوحيّة

[7] نص قانون حماية الثورة المصري

[8] مقال حول أحد أوجه القصور البنيويّ: النّهضة و تكرّر الخطأ التّاريخيّ

17th of December: A day to celebrate

On this same day, the largest emancipation movement in the century started in the small country of Tunisia. The Arab revolution (spring) is shaping a new world order, where justice gives solid basis to sustainable piece (exp: read about the Gaza seize-fire). 

In this memorable day, we are invited to contemplate the events beyond rhetoric. We are invited to consider where we, as individuals stand. Which side do I identify with? How did I help? All questions worth asking. Happy revolution day.

*for more about the Tunisian revolution: Tunisian revolution: an “epistemological uprising” And a renewed HOPE

**To get informed, involved about the post revolutionary transitions, the ongoing struggles keep following this blog for the next series: "Beyond rhetoric: The state of the Arab-revolution". 

Revolutionary love,

Firas.

Dining hall employee, the Chronicles 2: Manager caught red-handed by Brown man!

My last shift in Dhall was revealing in terms of power relations in society. 
Nah, screw that! it was weird. 
First it is my Saturday night shift, until 10 pm! It is a shift that is intrinsically painful on my senses. No telling that more extraneous elements that could make it even better, are welcome. 
And of course there was extraneous elements that made it better.  
One fellow proletarian employee (of a higher rank nevertheless) was being so extreme about the timely provision of lettuce. I was already at another task so when I finally attended to it I had to ask" are you mad at me?". My fellow class comrade affirmed to me that it was necessary that "we did what we supposed to do". A fellow worker then proceeded that I could be stabbed if I was in a relationship with a Latin-American and I refused to wash the dishes. I did not really understand how the "Lettuce situation" could amount to such a stereotype being validated. Seeing the approving look on the rest of the company I guess there was one... Somehow. O maybe not. 
Wait! 
Now comes the part, where, as a brown man (this fact is not related to the kind of tasks I persistently got for the last 3 weeks) I was cleaning tables. I looked back. There, hidden between the cereals and the pole, the highest ranking manager présente was looking. In a perfect spy-movie position, ready to catch me red handed not cleaning the tables like a brown man has to do for 3 weeks straight (last fact not even closely related to the story). And I have to confess, I was nasty: I did not avoid the awkward situation, I embraced it. I looked at my leader straight in the eyes! 
That was not very smart indeed. Because, as a proletarian soldier of dhall, I had to enjoy the overwhelming visits, past all ranks, of my beloved manager. I cannot describe my pleasure at hearing these numerous phrases filled with imperative verbs: 
"-You gotta pick up your paste and clean the red side" 
"-I did already." 
"-Well, then you have to pick up your paste."
"-..." 
LeBounce
Dining hall employee, the Chronicles 1: Of potatoes, black outcasts and knives.
(all opinions, facts and characters presented in the previous text are purely the result of the authors imagination. They have no factual or real implication or source. That said, I love Dhall and I do wanna keep my job: skidmore dining hall is clean, so far racist free and delicious food is its product)  

The world needs more Extremism

“To vegetate on in cowardly dependence on physicians and medicaments after the meaning of life, the right to life, has been lost ought to entail the profound contempt of society.”[1] A very “extreme” statement by Nietzsche when one considers that on this ground he bases his “moral code for physicians”. In fact this view on physically disadvantaged people earned him some bitter criticism as a theorist for some Nazi doctrines. 

Nevertheless, I think one ought to look beyond the shocking aspect of such an extreme statement. One needs to suppose that this radical view on handicapped people be taken to its “real” radical implication. The statement above ought to be explored to its real depth:

People with severe physical disadvantages continue to suffer discrimination in most parts of the world. Let us take the example of a person which lost her arm: The technology necessary for the replacement with an electronic arm is present. Nevertheless governments and institutions are not willing to invest the money necessary for the development of this technology and making it available.

 If we apply the Nietzschian extreme principle then the only normal and “worthy of life”  is to provide all people with no arms with an electronic one. If one says that this would cost too much and therefore is impossible then we would remind them that we are discussion an “extreme” radical solution. Cutting military spending to overcome physical bodily handicaps would be nothing but a normal thing, with these “extreme” norms. 

But the world is not like this. Indeed, the most extreme people are usually the “bad guys”. Politically, parties with anti-diversity agendas tend to be prepared to be radical and decided in their opinions and decisions. On the other hand, parties calling for the opposite values are usually less radical and more dispersed. An example of this is the case of the minarets in Switzerland. Those opposed to minarets in Switzerland wanted nothing shorter than total abolishment; those supporting it were ready to compromise on the height and other details. The resulting triumph of the parties against minarets is due partially to their extreme and uncompromising position. There were only 4 minarets in Switzerland[2]! Yet that did not play in favor of the progressive camp as they were ready to compromise on the ideal of freedom of worship.

The “good guys”, those willing to adhere to a world community of free human beings, are never radical enough to counter weigh their opponents.

 How can a world of extremists be a better one? Easy, imagine a world where freedom and human rights were nonnegotiable. Let us imagine a world where people would not compromise on any of their or others liberties.

Viewed under this light, being radical could indeed be considered a rather necessary thing.  

LeBounce

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[1] “Twilight of the Idols” , Friedrich Nietzsche  Page 88, R.J Hollingdale 1968

[2] http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/8381274.stm

مسودّة الدّستور المصري Egyptian constitution draft 11/29/2012

نبارك للشّعب المصريّ الإنتهاء من مسوّدة أوّل دستور مؤسّس لمصر الثّورة و العدالة. و إذ نتوسّم في الرّئيس مرسي سرعة 

طرحه للإستفتاء تنمنّى إنتهاء حالة الإحتقان السّياسية الرّاهنة.  

لمزيد من التّفاصيل حول الأزمة الرّهنة بمصر راجعوا قرّائنا الأعزّاء مقالنا (بالإنكريزيّة) http://www.a9wam.com/2012/11/egypts-revolution-moment-of-truth.html

Egypt's Constitution

Egypt’s revolution: Moment of Truth!

http://www.reuters.com/article/slideshow/idUSBRE8AM0DO20121128#a=1

Egypt's revolution has been tested and challenged since the first day of its "success". A heavy price in blood, turmoil and economic decline continued to be paid until the first civilian-president-elect Mohamed Morsi ousted the military from power. Civilian assumption of the government has been a chief revolutionary demand. Thus little criticism could be heard when the president dismissed the chief of the then ruling military council general Tantawi and some other chef military generals.

After this historical breakthrough, Egypt continued on a shaky path towards enacting a new constitution and forming new republican and democratic institutions. In part this was due to anti-revolutionary forces and their continued fight against change. Not all the blame falls on the partisans of Mubarak's deposed regime though. After historical free elections, the parliament was dissolved by court rulings. The constitutional assembly (responsible for drafting the constitution) kept being under the same threat as well. This insecurity, coupled with growing political divide weakened the democratic transition process.

http://www.reuters.com/article/slideshow/idUSBRE8AM0DO20121128#a=11

Under these severe conditions, Morsi issued his most controversial constitutional decree to date. The document is titled “concerning the protection of the revolution”[1]. It provides that Trials for crimes against the protesters of Tahrir square are to be repeated under a new chief Attorney general[2]. The former prosecutor, which was appointed by Mubarak, is blamed for providing only weak evidence against key figures in the political and security apparatus of the old regime. The inefficiency of evidence has led to alleviated rulings and to wide disdain from revolutionary fractions and forces.

But the constitutional decree raised far more controversy because of its clauses that grants presidential decrees, the legislative branch and the constitutional assembly immunity against dissolution threats[3]. The courts will no longer be able to rule on dissolving any of these elected entities. This opens the door for an interesting possibility: For the already dismantled legislature can possibly be reinstituted. Another effect is that the decision relieves the constitutional assembly from the constant threats it is facing by courts that are reviewing cases that argue its unconstitutionality.

Both the legislature and the assembly are direct products of the first free and internationally approved elections in Egypt’s history. Moreover, both reflect the confortable majorities that Islamists, both the Justice and development party and the Nour party, enjoyed in these elections. Many political and religious players have withdrawn from the constitutional assembly judging it was “dominated by Islamists”[4]. Many religious and political groups have objected to its composition and walked out of the committee short of the completion of the constitution’s draft. Along with former contenders that lost the presidential race to Morsi, they lead the wave of protest against the decrees enacted by the president.

The unrest continues to rage and has claimed at least 2 lives so far and violence is not yet contained. The opposition claims that the president-elect has assumed dictatorial powers by making his decisions immune to the courts checks. Morsi’s adversaries have contained their rivalries in the hopes of compelling the president to withdraw. It is notable that Chafik[5], a former Mubarak prime minister, has joined the quire and affirms that “the will of the people” will not be defeated. The polarization is acute in the street. The decision by Islamist parties to delay support demonstration have eased some fears. Only to be replaced by angst regarding their announced Saturday protests where they will be in direct contact with the opposition sit inners in Tahrir square.

Throughout my writing of the above words, events kept pounding and evolving. The president has reinforced the temporary and limited nature of his decree. More importantly he has affirmed that he will not back away from protecting “legal and elected entities”. The president of the constitutional committee (assembly) has affirmed that Thursday will be a “historical moment” and that the draft of the constitution will be complete[6]!

Fundamentally, the real battle is still between the revolution, the change it entitles, and the reactionary forces of the Mubarak dictatorship era.  Many of the fractions that participated in the revolution are lured by the reactionaries into believing that the decree and Islamists are a common enemy worth compromising for. This explains the astonishing alignment of radical adversaries behind the banner of opposition and protest of the decrees. This “tactical” alliance between some revolutionary fractions and reactionary pro-Mubarak ones might be interpreted as good willing but a rushed gesture. Nevertheless, to allow for the reactionaries to regain credibility and attempt to topple the revolution as a whole is not a tactical mistake but it is a strategic one.

The democratic transition faces serious risks in case the elected constitutional entities continue to be challenged and prevented from completing constitutional tasks. The state of insecurity and instability threatens a reversion to dictatorship that many global powers and the Mubarak regime remnants are ready to invest in. 

Given the current conditions, the constitutional decrees of the first democratically elected president of Egypt should be supported. Meanwhile a close eye should be kept at the speed at which the constitution and the legislature are formed and their powers restored.  

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[1] Integral text concerning the re-trial in case of newly found evidence for Mubarak era revolution crimes https://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.435663766489546.104259.377633175625939&type=3

[2] The decree appointing the new attorney general (prosecutor) from the official page of president elect Morsi_Arabic_https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=435562126499710&set=a.435562056499717.104244.377633175625939&type=3&src=https%3A%2F%2Fsphotos-b.xx.fbcdn.net%2Fhphotos-ash3%2F556688_435562126499710_888181902_n.png&size=680%2C960

[3] full text of constitutional decree of  نص الإعلان الدستوري الصادر يوم  22/11/2011

[4] Financial times' article about the walkouts

[5] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sCN0P8P8Slw

[6] الغرياني: سننال شرف إصدار الدستور وغدا جلسة تاريخة Constitutional assembly's president speech about the near end for the drafting of the constitution

Dining hall employee, the Chronicles 1: Of potatoes, black outcasts and knives

Today I had to cut potatoes, for 2 hours. It is amazing how the feeling of time and the entire feeling of consciousnesses is irreparably altered during 2 hours of potatoes. In fact one gets the rare chance to approach the realm of eternity and infinity: In short, 2 hours feel like forever, literally.
Regardless, there is some benefits to being a kitchen employee cutting potatoes. One gets to meditate! For after 15 min the brain undergoes this formidable operation of separating between the auto mode (cutting potatoes) and the hyper thoughtful mode. Also one get to contemplate the "human condition" in different aspects that are all too rare in an off-work situation.
It is amazing to consider the sheer number of people who can/do supervise, guide and plainly boss me around through the seemingly mechanical potato cutting. In fact one gets bossed around so much that it almost bruises even the healthiest and toughest egos!
A conversation that I had with a supervisor about potatoes is, in tern, worthy of contemplation:
-Supervisor:" When you find the black ones, THROW THEM AWAY!" then slams a potato in bin.
-me:" That is racist" supervisor looks up at me, realizes I have "color"
-Supervisor:"That is true actually..."
Only my breaking into laughter liberated my nice fellow supervisor from his agony.
D Hall, Gotta love it.
Lebounce
(all opinions, facts and characters presented in the previous text are purely the result of the authors imagination. They have no factual or real implication or source. That said, I love Dhall and I do wanna keep my job: skidmore dining hall is clean, so far racist free and delicious food is its product)  

Defending Hip Hop: No More

It is amazing the extent to which hip hop is "not defensible" today! I precisely mean hip hop music and rap. The quantity of extremely explicit and sometimes plain weird content is growing at an astonishing rate.
That said, let me reaffirm: Hop Hop is not dead. It lives through the hopes of reverse industrialization of the divine beat. It lives through the words of socially conscious rappers and real artists throughout the world.
For the time being though, I will not attempt to defend it.
Lebounce

Childish Dilemmas: Of horses, Macbooks and acclaim

Since my earliest age, this has intrigued me!
In horse races, when a horse wins, the rider gets the credits.
I always thought that it was fundamentally unfair and unjust (when I was a kid I had less sophisticated words I must admit :p ). I did appreciate that the jockey has a certain level of input and that input was decisive. But to me it seemed like the horse is the one doing the moving and the hardcore breathing is the horse!
Today, when we think of apple products and other fancy electronic apparel, we always reward Steve jobs and the brand name for these silky beautiful apparel. We never think of the Chinese workers in the foxconn factories actually making your macbook. Thousands of Immigrant workers from the countryside, whom sufferings all too often amount to suicide, are in fact making your Ipod. Do you think they should get some of the credit?
Lebounce

Stop stressing racist people!

Most modern societies are said to be post-racial. This statement is absurd! In fact all we need is some more good racism.

Nobody is hanging dead from tress, it is hard to find burning crosses in yards and nobody is called a negro anymore. Nevertheless, statistics continue to show that minorities are lagging at the bottom of the social ladder. I don't like numbers much, but poverty statistics, joblessness and jail population are flagrant showcases: racism was not eradicated. 

If anything, it has undergone plastic surgery! Political correctness just places limitation on racist people. This lack of expression space does not "cleanse" them from hatred. Rather it pushes them to integrate the "mainstream". Thus the public sphere is infected with this "implicit" smarter racism. 

Anti-immigrant platforms and laws pertinent to "the war on drugs" are examples of the political scene being infected with this. Representations of minorities in Hollywood are just another example of this implicit racism.  

Stop stressing racist people! 

Instead we should allow them the freedom to say it like it is. Potentially, we are going to be shocked with the amount of ignorance and hatred that some still hold. Still, we would be able to contemplate our society under the light of truth and with a bit less makeup. 

By allowing them a degree of freedom of expression and not action, racist people will be easier to determine. They will also be less inclined to hide their venom and spread it hidden under layers of euphemisms and deceit. 

Don't hide racism, face it! 

Lebounce

Discourses on freedom 2: looking for the heat.

In the first half of the "Discourses on freedom 1" I have dwelt upon issues regarding the aging
phenomena that democracies are experiencing. Well, you should read that!
When we speak of freedoms, we have a veil of romanticism abstracting real considerations. People are interested into clauses stating that country X has freedom of press and freedom of that encrusted in its constitution. We open the books and laws and search for every phrase that has "right" or "freedom" and then we rejoice and praise whoever wrote that.
Needless to say that is crap! So cut the crap!!!!
In reality, provisions for freedoms have no value whatsoever. They are completely worthless for two main reasons: One that is inherent in them and one relates to their enactment.
Let us first consider the flaw inherent in most clauses granting freedoms and that good stuff: The sheer phrasing of these clauses usually includes provisions to be regulated by further laws. That is to say, they all real as follow:
You can do whatever you want, as long as you don't violate the laws. 
The deceit is such a phrase is despicable. The logical and linguistic organisation of these phrases is flawed. It would be much more sensible to say:
You are not allowed to do whatever you want: do not do the following... 
That leads me to call for a new way to consider the level of freedom a people enjoy: To consider the limitations and the freedoms they are deprived of!
I was part of a conference discussing the drafting of the Tunisian constitution. There was many politicians and writers and people society deems honorable. In other words few cool people and mostly lame old dudes. Most people wanted to avert any mention in the constitution of any limits to freedom of expression. So cliché! There is going to be limits. That is indubitable! All what we should discuss in fact, is how to choose and phrase these limits rather than ignore them.
Just like coldness is the absence of heat, freedom is fundamentally the absence of restrictions.
 So let us not be foolish and let us start working on making our "restrictions" and limitation fewer, efficient and clearer. That is true progressiveness and activism. Freedom seekers and activists have to admit to the realities of the world they are trying to change. There is no need for an idea that is "good in theory" and bad in practice. Instead we should acknowledge that certain limitations have to exist for our societies to function. Then we shall attempt to expose them to the public in order to strip all unnecessary restrictions from any legitimacy!
Lebounce

Rebels, Lovers and Tears.

Blood and smoke, Syrian revolution arts 

right after

Fly salafists with Gay pride adapted flag 

The dawn of freedom

Libyan revolution

Fly rebel

Libyan revolution...

Identity and stuff

New world order

Stuff and then Identity

Mediterranean: will Demographics demolish the iron-wall?!

The history of the cultures and nations present today on the northern and southern banks of the Mediterranean are interwoven. Through the complex interactions of people living on both sides emerges the rich cultural mosaics of much of the old world. These relations weren't always peaceful but there were always vibrant exchanges taking place: Rome Vs Carthage, Islam Vs Christianity and Colonizer Vs the colonized.
The state of these relations today differs radically. There is a multi-layered iron wall that stands between the north and the south of the Mediterranean. The most obvious layer is the economic rift: Since colonialism the north continues to enjoy economic prosperity while the south has maintained dependent and week economies. The second layer in the iron wall pertains to the travel ban from the south to the north. Whereas this ban is not complete, big emigration waves from the south after WW2 have given place to crippling Visa regimes. One could go on to list examples of the cultural rift between Europe and north Africa.
The steel curtain has to fall as the laws of human nature and history do not allow for it. Thus the people of the Mediterranean should already start trying to avert a chaotic destructive fall of the Wall. We have seen, in the wake of the Arab spring, how economic disfranchisement in the south can jeopardize prosperity in the north: a mere few thousands of Tunisian emigrants threatened to put to halt EU travel treaties that took years to be developed!
I do not believe the future of north/south relations to be one of dependency. Thus I will explore a new way by which the EU and north Africa can be mutually supportive: The demographic exchange!
Part of the Europe's economic crisis is linked directly to its demographics' shortcomings. The north continues to suffer from low birth rates and an increasingly aging society. On the long run, this course is unsustainable. Basic sense (and economics) suggests that the shrinking of the active base will lead to insolvency and social crisis. On the other side, north Africa continues to enjoy a youthful population and the growth prospects are positive on the long run. Nevertheless, joblessness remains a huge issue and it hits the young most.
Theoretically the situation in inviting to perform a "demographic exchange". To oversimplify, the north would have its retiree population move south and the south would supply with youthful workers and innovation in return! The Idea sounds outlandish. But if this can be tackled in ways that seem less radical than the premise itself.

Just a Cheesy image...  

There can be new incentives for the senior population of the EU. These incentives range from infrastructure adaptation to bureaucracy easing in North Africa. Also, better information should be provided about the ease at which settlers can establish in the south: The linguistic diversity in north Africa could be the biggest example. Also, establishing even cheaper transportation between the EU and north Africa can make travel and adaptation an issue of the past. The retirees that would opt for this course would see their pension plans become much more valuable in real terms. The host countries would profit economically due to the demand increase.
On the other hand, easing the barriers on the immigration from the south will enable them to extend their job and training prospects. An influx of eager and active work force will supply the economy with  much needed new blood. It is also anticipated that the competitive edge of EU industries will sharpen and that higher levels of innovation will be achieved. As well as positively affecting production elements, the influx would boost demand and thus there would be an additional economic advantage.
The material bettering for the people of the Mediterranean is not the only outcome. Having larger flows of people between the EU and north Africa will provide fertile ground for cultural understanding and diverse social collaboration. Thus, the two sided egalitarian exchange would be a factor for the provision of solid peace and partisanship.
Nonetheless, many factors make such an endeavor too costly, especially politically. The biggest challenge is the high unemployment rates that the EU is experiencing due to the crisis. In the current conditions, it would be impossible to explain to a constituency how the inflow of southern workers is gonna better the market for jobs on the long run! It is also very unexpected that southern voters, wary of dependency and filled with hopes would tolerate government spending on  attracting old Europeans!
Given these conditions, I realistically call for at least fragments of this policy to administered until the Mediterranean demographic revolution happens.
like what you read? Follow on networked-blogs for more! It's right to the left ;) 
Lebounce

Salafism! A question of Progress.

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Popular media tosses the word Salafism as lightly as they dwell on the weather forecast on a nice summer day! The concepts and implication relevant to Salafism suffer from a crude oversimplification. This is further reinforced by the fragility still inherent in the Tunisian start-up democracy and its start-up free press. There is more to Salafists than “salafis are men with beards and white dresses”. There is also more to Salafism than Salafism is reactionary and regressive.

Because I am nice (!!!??? :p) this dogmatic view of a large and diverse group is going to be refuted.

I shall try to keep my essay short enough. The reader will have to excuse me and keep in mind that this is a synopsis of a lengthy philosophical research. If certain arguments or concepts remain obscure, please feel free to contact me for clarifications (being nice again!!??).

General definitions and concepts :

The word Salaf itself technically denotes the righteous muslims during the 300 first years of Islamic history, approximately starting from year 600. This is based on the prophetic saying: ‘’the most righteous people shall live my century, then the one following, then the one following.’’^[1] These people are considered most righteous because of the proximity they enjoy with the prophetic sources.

Salafism in general, is the movement seeking salvation through the guidance and model of the righteous Salaf. Two major subgroups exist within Salafism: Jihadi Salafism, believing that armed struggle is the best way to attain a truly Islamic life. The other branch is Scientific Salafism, which attempts to replicate the logical structures behind Islamic ruling of the Salaf.

Salafism a “progressive force”:

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One of the major attributes to Salafism in Islamic thought is its methodological quest. Early Salafist scholars were faced with growing divides between Islamic philosophies. Thus they attempted to answer these issues with an increased rationality. Salafism’s attempt at formulating a method through which knowledge should be evaluated became the backbone of the “Scientific method” in Islamic thought.

This is a major contribution as Salafism rationalized Islamic thought: Not only were the outcomes of a cogitation to be evaluated, but also the method upon which it was obtained. There is an attempt at creating a universal method, a method that is Godly in nature rather than based on emotional stimulus. In practice, this means that Salafism encourages the use of logical computations. As surprising as it sounds, by attempting to formulate Godly methods of thought, Salafism enables Islamic thought with order and rationality. Another example of this rationality is the disregard for “false battles”: Salafists usually refuse to discuss whether God has a Hand or not…  

Another “progressive” aspect of Salafism in Islamic thought is its unifying drive. Salafism reinforces the monotheistic aspect of Islam. It calls for humans to be freed from the influence of any human power. Salafist have always fought bitterly against attempts to create intermediate powers between subject and their god.  

Moreover, Salafism has a formidable capability to rejuvenate itself. A striking example is the success of the Nour Salafist party in Egypt elections. Salafists in Egypt have refused to adhere to the political process for years. After the revolution it only took a few months for the Nour to organize and win an impressive 2^nd place in the elections. Armed Jihadi Salafist groups have also proved to become increasingly flexible: The “Jihadist movements of Egypt” successfully reviewed their reliance on Violence as a mean for change. So called “revisions” have led the movement to accept, embrace and use cinema and other means that were considered unholy. During the formation of its new democracies, revolutionary countries (Tunisia, Libya and Egypt) need such adaptation prowess in order to reach necessary consensus. 

Salafism a”regressive force”:

Pluralism is still hard to accept for many Salafists. There are tendencies within the movement to negate the legitimacy of other schools of thought. Much of the Salafist discourse assumes that there is no possibility to err or at least that Salafists will always be closer to the truth. When designating themselves, the Salafist phraseology  is a romanticized and idealized one. Words such as the “pure” and the “righteous” and terms relevant to the sacred are used in near self-veneration. This self-veneration, even though it hasn’t reached unsupportable levels, is still dangerous. For if one group starts to believe with too much zeal that their party is incapable of error, errors will not be corrected and the movement becomes destructive both for its environment and itself.   

Often enough, Salafist morality refuses to take into account the advances in different scientific and human studies fields. Thus Judgment of the present is often distorted and outdated. Given the inevitable linguistic changes, the judgments obtained as a result of Salafist methods could indeed be just “what it would have been” 14 centuries ago. “Al Jabri” clearly diagnosed this unhistoricality: “Salafist understanding of heritage in a non-historical one, thus it can only produce only one genre of understanding of heritage: heritage centered one. Heritage contains it but it cannot contain heritage. It is heritage repeating itself. ”

As a way of concluding:

As a relatively new movement to the wider public sphere, Salafists are still underrepresented in public platforms. The use of secondary sources is all too prevalent when issues relate to Salafism.  

There is indeed some truth in the general belief that Salafism is a threat to Islamic societies. Nevertheless, Salafism is a much more complex philosophy with very important progressive sides.

And more broadly: Only time will reveal the constructive potential of the bearded men in white dresses. Or not.
Lebounce
This article is the collection of the central ideas present in IB philosophy EE paper by the author. paper handed in during 2012 to the IBO, author enjoys full copyright.

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[1]  “Salafism, A blessed historical period, not an Islamic branch” by ‘Dr. Mohamed Said Ramadan’ page 9.