ArabicFirasophy: Egypt’s revolution: Moment of Truth!

http://www.reuters.com/article/slideshow/idUSBRE8AM0DO20121128#a=1

Egypt's revolution has been tested and challenged since the first day of its "success". A heavy price in blood, turmoil and economic decline continued to be paid until the first civilian-president-elect Mohamed Morsi ousted the military from power. Civilian assumption of the government has been a chief revolutionary demand. Thus little criticism could be heard when the president dismissed the chief of the then ruling military council general Tantawi and some other chef military generals.

After this historical breakthrough, Egypt continued on a shaky path towards enacting a new constitution and forming new republican and democratic institutions. In part this was due to anti-revolutionary forces and their continued fight against change. Not all the blame falls on the partisans of Mubarak's deposed regime though. After historical free elections, the parliament was dissolved by court rulings. The constitutional assembly (responsible for drafting the constitution) kept being under the same threat as well. This insecurity, coupled with growing political divide weakened the democratic transition process.

http://www.reuters.com/article/slideshow/idUSBRE8AM0DO20121128#a=11

Under these severe conditions, Morsi issued his most controversial constitutional decree to date. The document is titled “concerning the protection of the revolution”[1]. It provides that Trials for crimes against the protesters of Tahrir square are to be repeated under a new chief Attorney general[2]. The former prosecutor, which was appointed by Mubarak, is blamed for providing only weak evidence against key figures in the political and security apparatus of the old regime. The inefficiency of evidence has led to alleviated rulings and to wide disdain from revolutionary fractions and forces.

But the constitutional decree raised far more controversy because of its clauses that grants presidential decrees, the legislative branch and the constitutional assembly immunity against dissolution threats[3]. The courts will no longer be able to rule on dissolving any of these elected entities. This opens the door for an interesting possibility: For the already dismantled legislature can possibly be reinstituted. Another effect is that the decision relieves the constitutional assembly from the constant threats it is facing by courts that are reviewing cases that argue its unconstitutionality.

Both the legislature and the assembly are direct products of the first free and internationally approved elections in Egypt’s history. Moreover, both reflect the confortable majorities that Islamists, both the Justice and development party and the Nour party, enjoyed in these elections. Many political and religious players have withdrawn from the constitutional assembly judging it was “dominated by Islamists”[4]. Many religious and political groups have objected to its composition and walked out of the committee short of the completion of the constitution’s draft. Along with former contenders that lost the presidential race to Morsi, they lead the wave of protest against the decrees enacted by the president.

The unrest continues to rage and has claimed at least 2 lives so far and violence is not yet contained. The opposition claims that the president-elect has assumed dictatorial powers by making his decisions immune to the courts checks. Morsi’s adversaries have contained their rivalries in the hopes of compelling the president to withdraw. It is notable that Chafik[5], a former Mubarak prime minister, has joined the quire and affirms that “the will of the people” will not be defeated. The polarization is acute in the street. The decision by Islamist parties to delay support demonstration have eased some fears. Only to be replaced by angst regarding their announced Saturday protests where they will be in direct contact with the opposition sit inners in Tahrir square.

Throughout my writing of the above words, events kept pounding and evolving. The president has reinforced the temporary and limited nature of his decree. More importantly he has affirmed that he will not back away from protecting “legal and elected entities”. The president of the constitutional committee (assembly) has affirmed that Thursday will be a “historical moment” and that the draft of the constitution will be complete[6]!

Fundamentally, the real battle is still between the revolution, the change it entitles, and the reactionary forces of the Mubarak dictatorship era. Many of the fractions that participated in the revolution are lured by the reactionaries into believing that the decree and Islamists are a common enemy worth compromising for. This explains the astonishing alignment of radical adversaries behind the banner of opposition and protest of the decrees. This “tactical” alliance between some revolutionary fractions and reactionary pro-Mubarak ones might be interpreted as good willing but a rushed gesture. Nevertheless, to allow for the reactionaries to regain credibility and attempt to topple the revolution as a whole is not a tactical mistake but it is a strategic one.

The democratic transition faces serious risks in case the elected constitutional entities continue to be challenged and prevented from completing constitutional tasks. The state of insecurity and instability threatens a reversion to dictatorship that many global powers and the Mubarak regime remnants are ready to invest in.

Given the current conditions, the constitutional decrees of the first democratically elected president of Egypt should be supported. Meanwhile a close eye should be kept at the speed at which the constitution and the legislature are formed and their powers restored.