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Showing posts with label muslim brotherhood. Show all posts
Showing posts with label muslim brotherhood. Show all posts

Monday, August 5, 2013

Egypt's Military-Coup: Slaughter in the making!

General CC as he announces the coup surrounded by the pope, the Azhar Sheikh among others.

1.Firstly, is it a military coup? clearing Ideological misconceptions.
2.Why did the revolution underestimate the threat?
3.Egyptian opposition front after the coup.
4.The ambiguity in most official international reactions.
5.What now?


       1. Firstly, Is it a coup? Clearing ideological misconceptions:

The military, the christian clergy, the muslim official clergy, the Mubarak era court system and rich families represented by privately owned media backed the coup.
This makes it a textbook military coup originating from a reactionary movement that attempted a multitude of coup scenarios already (Breaking into Alitihadia presidential palace, popular upheaval because of acute oil shortages that were mysteriously instantaneously resolved after the coup, and unreformed Mubarak-era court rulings banning democratically elected institutions).
This is reinforced by the return of media and freedom of expression repression (5 anti-coup channels were closed down and other stations_including Aljazeera_ are suffering interferences). The coup officials show a complete disrespect for the law and human rights by illegally kidnapping the president himself and other political activists.
Regarding the pretext of protesters on the 30th being behind a second revolution: protesting is constitutionally protected but not a constitutional power transition method according to the Egyptian constitution. The numbers of pro-coup protests has been blown. opposition relies on a google estimate (30 million) , however google denies issuing such a statement. Middle east monitor showcased how low the pro-coup protesters’ advertised numbers just don’t add up.
If the facts are this clear, why is there even a question?
US armament industry for example would suffer losing a pivotal market if Obama-administration was to openly denote what happened as a coup. That would deprive them of 1.5 billions of us taxpayer military aid to Egypt that de facto means subsidies for us arms manufacturers(most of the money is spent on US made military equipment)!
Moreover some leftists and progressive western thinkers cannot be trenchant get over the ideological affiliation of Mohamed Morsi, "Political Islam". This is quite naive and dogmatic: the muslim brotherhood is the unofficial and anti status quo, (even proletarian) expression of political islam in egypt). Directly opposed to Al Qaeda and alike groups, the muslim brotherhood embraced Democracy a chief demand for decades. While  most secular parties in the Arab world remain a one-man show, the Muslim brotherhood enjoys internal democratic mechanisms and institutions.      However, the muslim Azhar clergy, backing the coup, is the official pro-mubarak institution representing a lingering line of the clergy class that had no problems coexisting with the mubarak regime and was rather a part of it! On principle, it should be left to the egyptian voters to decide who will enjoys their vote/confidence: and for 5 consecutive elections after revolution the muslim brotherhood(or the referendum choice the MB backed) was always majoritary. A coup, just has to be called a coup! That is principle not opinion. Agreeing with the MB or not is an irrelevant question at this point and raising such “concerns” now is insensitive.
Lastly, an interesting observation can be made about the “kind” of crowd that gathered on the 30th June. Human rights watch spoke of horrific levels of sexual abuse in Tahrir square. Over 91 women (and some report even infants) were sexually abused and mob raped! In huge crowds (of supposed political activists) one would expect minor incidents. However entire mobs practiced rape and they were apparently so numerous that the rest of the protesters couldn’t intervene. In Egyptian revolutionary vocabulary, the June 30th crowds are mainly fouloul (Pro-Mubarak) and Baltajia (mercenaries or bandits or rapists).    

    2. Why did the revolution underestimate the threat?

The Egyptian revolution or more appropriately the egyptian society and in it’s core its most organized and numerous faction, the muslim brotherhood, weakened the revolution through key decisions.
The same group that orchestrated Mubarak’s removal, General Tantawi’s ouster (it is now clear Morsi’s constitutional decree was only a facade for a new generation of generals willing to oust oder generals) ousted President-elect Morsi. General CC, official leader of the coup is the same general that came out before the presidential elections to defend the military’s practice of performing virginity checks on female protesters against the military junta!
International (USA) acceptance or welcoming of the revolution provided a fake sense of security. This acceptance evaporated instantaneously as power balances shifted.
The muslim brotherhood is reluctant to admit that it was actually very distant from decision making or applying policies by the largely corrupt Egyptian state. There was fake sense of normality that Mohamed morsi partook in by appearing like a president who was actually ruling and able to "achieve goals". This threw the weight of the inevitable failures of the state onto the president rather than the deep-state that prevented any serious improvements to prepare for the coup. “Telling the truth” openly and ousting as many corrupt officials in revolutionary popular manners would have been more beneficial for Egypt!
Ultimately, these factors had Morsi seized easily (he could have been surrounded by millions of his supports for lack of better judgment). The Egyptian revolution (represented by all of its democratic institutional achievements: the parliament and the president) is suffering the strongest wave of the anti-revolution headed by reactionary forces.

     3. Egyptian opposition front after the coup:

The Egyptian political powers that back the military coup _on the first Egyptian civilian president-elect_ obtained a few government ministries and presidential posts. The unreformed Mubarak-era and the private media portrays them as leaders and victories that capitalized on their threat to oust morsi. However, the leftist and liberal front has completely renounced and betrayed any sense of democracy, respect for the law or the principle of peaceful transition of power! Ultimately betraying the Egyptian revolution and their own Ideological core values will destroy their already extinguished popularity. Coup Histories also tells us that after a Military-coup stabilizes, it’s civilian political front is always next to be terminated and marginalized (unpopular and unarmed, they have no bargaining chip in a militaristic regime!)
It is useful to point out (especially for any reluctant western thinker) that the extremist salafists islamist party, Nour Party, backs the coup. This means that the struggle cannot be simplified to Islamists Vs secular even when one oversimplifies.   

      4. Ambiguity in most official International reactions:

Some regimes have been blunt in their support of the coup: The Saudi Kingdom and The United Arab Emirates. They both pledged and provided enormous amounts of financial support: 8 Billions of USD! (this should be troublesome for any progressive western thinkers who backs the coup or choose to stand idle). The USA’s and EU’s general avoidance of condemning the coup is  particularly astonishing. Especially given the rhetoric that both advance about "spreading democracy". An explanation could be Morsi’s plans (the Egyptian revolution at large) strategic implication threatening the core of western interests in the middle east: Egypt is the world’s largest grains importer and under the 1 year old democracy it already managed to slash its share of imported grains! Egypt also controls the Suez canal and president-elect Morsi’s chief economic plan was to build a mega-service and industrial area on its shores. This would endanger the economies of US allies such as the United Arab emirates (where port services are a major trade and Egyptian activities in the area enjoy a geographical and obvious economic advantage. Ships won't have to enter the Persian gulf but would rather purchase the same services on their route through the Suez canal). Another factor is Morsi's Ideology and the relations with Israel. It is a fact that most Israelis see Islamists as an existential threat. President Morsi proved very strict in adhering to international laws and to the terms of the peace treaty with Tel-Aviv. He even brokered a solid peace treaty between Gaza and Israel that continues to hold as I write these words.


    5.  What now?

As I already pointed out, political parties that chose to back the coup are de facto politically obsolete. The secular salvation front and the extremist Salafist Islamist party, Nour party will have no political future in modern Egypt. However I solemnly wish that when time comes and the coup Generals decide to slaughter them, there would be democratic forces to defend them.
The Egyptian coup authorities seem determined to end the Rabaa Adawia and other sit ins calling for a return to democracy. They have shown willingness to shed civilian blood and use live rounds to disperse crowds! The sit inners are logically at a physical disadvantage facing the strongest military in Africa and the Arab world. Even though the sit ins assemble huge crowds, the unreformed Mubarak-era security apparatus could use a multitude of crowd-dispersing methods: gradual brutal force, water and supplies blockade, nerve gas and maybe making the grounds unbearable by flooding them with sewer water in Cairo’s hot summer...
The sit inners and anti-coup protesters are well aware of the price to be payed to resume the democratic process. They have destabilized the military coup by their 30 days strong sit in and continual protests. So far, the revolutionary anti-coup momentum shows no signs of slowing momentum. The atrocities that the Coup authorities are committing are drawing in more sectors of the Egyptian society, especially the culturally sensitive slaughter of women’s marches!
In conclusion and realistically, it is a question of whether coup leader, general CC, will have a chance to flee or will be tried. For the coup political supporters who will be left behind when Morsi returns I profess Morsi will quote Hugo Chavez after he overcame a similar military coup in 2002: “I forgive you, evil people”.  

Wednesday, November 28, 2012

Egypt’s revolution: Moment of Truth!

http://www.reuters.com/article/slideshow/idUSBRE8AM0DO20121128#a=1


Egypt's revolution has been tested and challenged since the first day of its "success". A heavy price in blood, turmoil and economic decline continued to be paid until the first civilian-president-elect Mohamed Morsi ousted the military from power. Civilian assumption of the government has been a chief revolutionary demand. Thus little criticism could be heard when the president dismissed the chief of the then ruling military council general Tantawi and some other chef military generals.
After this historical breakthrough, Egypt continued on a shaky path towards enacting a new constitution and forming new republican and democratic institutions. In part this was due to anti-revolutionary forces and their continued fight against change. Not all the blame falls on the partisans of Mubarak's deposed regime though. After historical free elections, the parliament was dissolved by court rulings. The constitutional assembly (responsible for drafting the constitution) kept being under the same threat as well. This insecurity, coupled with growing political divide weakened the democratic transition process.
http://www.reuters.com/article/slideshow/idUSBRE8AM0DO20121128#a=11
Under these severe conditions, Morsi issued his most controversial constitutional decree to date. The document is titled “concerning the protection of the revolution”[1]. It provides that Trials for crimes against the protesters of Tahrir square are to be repeated under a new chief Attorney general[2]. The former prosecutor, which was appointed by Mubarak, is blamed for providing only weak evidence against key figures in the political and security apparatus of the old regime. The inefficiency of evidence has led to alleviated rulings and to wide disdain from revolutionary fractions and forces.
But the constitutional decree raised far more controversy because of its clauses that grants presidential decrees, the legislative branch and the constitutional assembly immunity against dissolution threats[3]. The courts will no longer be able to rule on dissolving any of these elected entities. This opens the door for an interesting possibility: For the already dismantled legislature can possibly be reinstituted. Another effect is that the decision relieves the constitutional assembly from the constant threats it is facing by courts that are reviewing cases that argue its unconstitutionality.
Both the legislature and the assembly are direct products of the first free and internationally approved elections in Egypt’s history. Moreover, both reflect the confortable majorities that Islamists, both the Justice and development party and the Nour party, enjoyed in these elections. Many political and religious players have withdrawn from the constitutional assembly judging it was “dominated by Islamists”[4]. Many religious and political groups have objected to its composition and walked out of the committee short of the completion of the constitution’s draft. Along with former contenders that lost the presidential race to Morsi, they lead the wave of protest against the decrees enacted by the president.
The unrest continues to rage and has claimed at least 2 lives so far and violence is not yet contained. The opposition claims that the president-elect has assumed dictatorial powers by making his decisions immune to the courts checks. Morsi’s adversaries have contained their rivalries in the hopes of compelling the president to withdraw. It is notable that Chafik[5], a former Mubarak prime minister, has joined the quire and affirms that “the will of the people” will not be defeated. The polarization is acute in the street. The decision by Islamist parties to delay support demonstration have eased some fears. Only to be replaced by angst regarding their announced Saturday protests where they will be in direct contact with the opposition sit inners in Tahrir square.
Throughout my writing of the above words, events kept pounding and evolving. The president has reinforced the temporary and limited nature of his decree. More importantly he has affirmed that he will not back away from protecting “legal and elected entities”. The president of the constitutional committee (assembly) has affirmed that Thursday will be a “historical moment” and that the draft of the constitution will be complete[6]!
Fundamentally, the real battle is still between the revolution, the change it entitles, and the reactionary forces of the Mubarak dictatorship era.  Many of the fractions that participated in the revolution are lured by the reactionaries into believing that the decree and Islamists are a common enemy worth compromising for. This explains the astonishing alignment of radical adversaries behind the banner of opposition and protest of the decrees. This “tactical” alliance between some revolutionary fractions and reactionary pro-Mubarak ones might be interpreted as good willing but a rushed gesture. Nevertheless, to allow for the reactionaries to regain credibility and attempt to topple the revolution as a whole is not a tactical mistake but it is a strategic one.
The democratic transition faces serious risks in case the elected constitutional entities continue to be challenged and prevented from completing constitutional tasks. The state of insecurity and instability threatens a reversion to dictatorship that many global powers and the Mubarak regime remnants are ready to invest in. 

Given the current conditions, the constitutional decrees of the first democratically elected president of Egypt should be supported. Meanwhile a close eye should be kept at the speed at which the constitution and the legislature are formed and their powers restored.  





[1] Integral text concerning the re-trial in case of newly found evidence for Mubarak era revolution crimes https://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.435663766489546.104259.377633175625939&type=3